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U.S. PRODUCTIVITY -- U.S. PRODUCTIVITY -- CONTENTS -- PREFACE -- Chapter 1 PRODUCTIVITY AND NATIONAL STANDARDS OF LIVING -- SUMMARY -- INTRODUCTION -- FROM PRODUCTIVITY TO THE STANDARD OF LIVING -- INTERNATIONAL COMPARISONS -- CONCLUSION -- End Notes -- Chapter 2 PRODUCTIVITY: WILL THE FASTER GROWTH RATE CONTINUE? -- SUMMARY -- INTRODUCTION -- WHAT IS PRODUCTIVITY? -- THE DIFFICULTY OF PROJECTING PRODUCTIVITY -- THE CYCLICAL NATURE OF PRODUCTIVITY -- MEASUREMENT ISSUES -- Problems in Measuring Real Output -- GROWTH IN LABOR PRODUCTIVITY -- The Post-1973 Slowdown in Productivity Growth

Extract: Neoliberalism is an ideal subject for intellectual historians. It is an ideological movement that has been both theoretically sophisticated and influential, ensuring that excursions along the highways and byways of neoliberal thought can always be justified practically, as disclosing the ideas that have shaped contemporary politics. There is also no shortage of source material, as the voluble characters who generated neoliberal ideology wrote innumerable books and articles and left behind extensive archival collections that preserve their correspondence, drafts and records of meetings. Furthermore, there is abundant evidence of the collaboration (and tensions) between the key neoliberal thinkers, since they worked together in their long years in the wilderness as members of the Mont Pèlerin Society (MPS), the invitation-only discussion group formed by Friedrich Hayek in 1947 to restate the case for market liberalism, and with various associated think tanks scattered across the globe. Given all this, it is surprising that more historical research hadn't focused on neoliberalism earlier, but the field was largely left clear for philosophers and social scientists until the 2000s. Much of this work was in any case historicist in character, notably the influential lectures of Michel Foucault, delivered in 1979 but only published in French in 2004 and in English in 2008, which scrutinized certain key texts of neoliberal theory some time before other scholars had focused on them. The years around the 2008–9 financial crisis—by a mixture of accident and design—marked the point at which intellectual historians (and social scientists with an interest in the history of ideas) followed Foucault by diving more systematically into tracing the origins and trajectory of neoliberal thought. Much of this research has concentrated on the MPS, although the MPS itself is probably best understood as a useful entry point for exploring several distinct strands of market liberalism that emerged in different places in the 1930s ...

While it is obvious that Scotland's political trajectory has significantly departed from England's, the explanation for this divergence is less straightforward. Social scientists have demonstrated that Scotland's economy, social structure, and even underlying values are not in fact that different from England's. To understand why Scottish electoral behaviour and public debate has followed a distinctive path, this article turns to the realms of politics and culture, where the same underlying socio-economic shifts that have transformed England's political landscape over the last fifty years have been filtered in a different direction in Scotland.

This article argues that a return to the history of progressive political thought can help us to think afresh about what a renewed centre-left politics might look like today. The article identifies some significant aspects of this history that attracted little attention in earlier debates over the British progressive tradition—in particular, debates about social ownership, nationalism and distributism. This revisionist history of British progressivism points the way towards some common ideological ground that could provide a starting point for a new dialogue between different 'progressive' political parties and interests.

This article investigates the emergence of neo-liberalism in Britain and its intellectual relationship with each of the three main British political ideologies. The article distinguishes between different currents of neo-liberalism that have been absorbed into British political thought, and shows that this process to some extent pre-dated the electoral success of Thatcherism in the 1980s. The article further suggests that labelling recent British political discourse as unvarnished 'neo-liberalism', while at times analytically useful, simplifies a more complicated picture, in which distinctively neo-liberal ideas have been blended in different ways into the ideologies of British Liberalism, Conservatism and even Labour socialism. The article therefore turns the spotlight on a more obscure aspect of the making of British neo-liberalism by exploring how politicians and intellectuals of varying partisan stripes generated policy discourses that presented neo-liberal ideas as an authentic expression of their own ideological traditions. Perhaps the most surprising finding of this article, then, is that neo-liberalism, although frequently characterised as rigid and dogmatic, has in fact proved itself to be a flexible and adaptable body of ideas, capable of colonising territory right across the political spectrum.

Intro -- Introduction -- One -- Birth and Childhood -- Two -- Adolescence -- Three -- The Return to France -- Four -- A Return to Paris -- Five -- Feeding Life through the Death of Others -- Six -- Evolution into Adult Life -- Seven -- Fantasy Brought to Life -- Eight -- Different Spheres of Reality -- Nine -- Death Comes to Us All -- Ten -- Chaos and Structure -- Eleven -- Judgement -- Interview With Nicolas Claux -- Closing Words -- Thank You.

242 p. Libro electrónico ; La evolución de la democracia en América Latina es un camino sinuoso, rico tanto en logros como en interrupciones y violencia. En su transcurso, se evidencian los enormes desafíos de la participación ciudadana: cuando se abren instancias para la participación de diversos actores sociales, surgen, inevitables, visiones encontradas, conflictos de intereses y posiciones que parecen irreconciliables. Las sociedades latinoamericanas, en su alternancia entre gobiernos elegidos por el voto y dictaduras cívico-militares, muchas veces desestimaron el debate por considerarlo un signo de debilidad y, al mismo tiempo, calificaron la fortaleza en el liderazgo como una característica opuesta a la conciliación. Una visión compartida por muchos es la de la política como un mal en sí, un símbolo de la corrupción que aqueja a la gran mayoría de los países de la región y un impedimento para la gobernabilidad. Estas percepciones pueden ser fácilmente asociadas con otra opinión común: cuando se debaten públicamente proyectos que afectan al desarrollo de las comunidades, las decisiones ya han sido tomadas y esas discusiones no reflejan el proceso y las razones que, en realidad, llevan a la toma de decisiones. Los debates son entonces una mera formalidad y, de modo similar, la política es poco más que una excusa para legitimar mecanismos de decisión opacos. En definitiva, la sociedad sospecha que las decisiones importantes se toman fuera de los ámbitos deliberativos a los que la mayoría tiene acceso o representación.

Health inequities, or avoidable inequalities in health between groups of people, are increasingly recognized and tackled to improve public health. Canada's interest in health inequities goes back over 40 years, with the landmark 1974 Lalonde report, and continues with the 2011 Rio Political Declaration on Social Determinants of Health, which affirmed a global political commitment to implementing a social determinants of health approach to reducing health inequities. Research in this area includes documenting and tracking health inequalities, exploring their multidimensional causes, and developing and evaluating ways to address them. Inequalities can be observed in who is vulnerable to infectious and chronic diseases, the impact of health promotion and disease prevention efforts, how disease progresses, and the outcomes of treatment. Many programs, policies and projects with potential impacts on health equity and determinants of health have been implemented across Canada. Recent theoretical and methodological advances in the areas of implementation science and population health intervention research have strengthened our capacity to develop effective interventions.

Health inequities, or avoidable inequalities in health between groups of people, are increasingly recognized and tackled to improve public health. Canada's interest in health inequities goes back over 40 years, with the landmark 1974 Lalonde report, and continues with the 2011 Rio Political Declaration on Social Determinants of Health, which affirmed a global political commitment to implementing a social determinants of health approach to reducing health inequities. Research in this area includes documenting and tracking health inequalities, exploring their multidimensional causes, and developing and evaluating ways to address them. Inequalities can be observed in who is vulnerable to infectious and chronic diseases, the impact of health promotion and disease prevention efforts, how disease progresses, and the outcomes of treatment. Many programs, policies and projects with potential impacts on health equity and determinants of health have been implemented across Canada. Recent theoretical and methodological advances in the areas of implementation science and population health intervention research have strengthened our capacity to develop effective interventions.

(Capt. B.R. Jackson, U.S. Naval Reserve, of Whittier, Calif., comments on Professor Vincent Davis' article "Wars and Warriors."), (Lt. Comdr. Richard C. Davis, USN, Strategic Plans & Policy Division, OPNA V comments on Comdr. Thomas Euell's remarks in the January February "Barometer" which emphasized the value of the study of history to the military professional.) , and (Lt. W.D. Center, Commanding Officer of U.S.S. Exploit (MSO-440) comments on Lt. Comdr. Beth Coye's, et al., recent article on "Women in Management.")